In a prosperous country such as the United States, a fallacy that sounds very plausible is
that American goods cannot compete with goods produced by low-wage workers in
poorer countries. Both history and economics refute it. High-wage countries have been
exporting to low-wage countries for centuries.
The key flaw in the high-wage argument is that it confuses wage rates with labor
costs—and labor costs with total costs.
When workers in a prosperous country receive twice the wage rate as workers in a poorer
country and produce three times the output per man-hour, then it is the high-wage
country that has the lower labor costs. It is cheaper to get a given amount of work done
in the more prosperous country simply because it takes less labor, even though individual
workers are paid more. The higher-paid workers may be more efficiently organized and
managed, or have far more or better machinery to work with.
A prosperous country usually has a greater abundance of capital and, because of supply
and demand, capital tends to be cheaper than in poorer countries where capital is scarcer
and earns a correspondingly higher rate of return.
That “giant sucking sound” we were forewarned about fearing that American jobs would
go to Mexico in the wake of the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1993 turned
out to be completely wrong. The number of American jobs increased and the
unemployment rate in the United States fell to record lows. This did not come at the
expense of Mexico, however. Both countries gained for the same reasons that countries
have gained from international trade for centuries—absolute advantage and comparative
advantage.
Just as free trade provides economic benefits to all countries simultaneously, so trade
restrictions reduce the efficiency of all countries simultaneously, lowering standards of
living, without producing the increased employment that was hoped for.
A protective tariff for other import restrictions may provide immediate relief to a
particular industry and thus gain the financial and political support of corporations and
labor unions in that industry. But, like many political benefits, it comes at the expense of
others who may not be as organized as visible, or as vocal.
Genuine plunder of one nation or people by another has been all too common throughout human history. During the era before the First World War, when Germany had colonies in Africa, only 4 of its 22 enterprises with cocoa plantations there paid dividends, as did only 8 of 58 rubber plantations and only 3 out of 49 diamond mining companies. At the height of the British Empire in the early twentieth century, the British invested more in the United States than in all of Asia and Africa put together. Quite simply, there was more wealth to be made from rich countries than from poor countries. For similar reasons, throughout most of the twentieth century the United States invested more in Canada than in Asia and Africa put together. Only the rise of prosperous Asian industrial nations in the latter part of the twentieth century attracted more American investors in that part of the world. Perhaps the strongest evidence against the economic significance of colonies in the modern world is tha
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